Share Facebook Twitter Google + LinkedIn Pinterest By Emma Sutherly, Chapter Reporter.The Agricultural Advocacy Committee of the Miami East-MVCTC FFA Chapter recently sponsored a coloring contest at Miami East Elementary. The event was held to celebrate National Sheep Day on Saturday, October 26.Members of the Ag Advocacy Committee challenged the students in Kindergarten and were given a sheep picture to color. FFA members evaluated the pictures and awarded first place to each homeroom. The results are as follows:Mrs. Amy Gerlach – Harper AddingtonMrs. Stephanie Larson – Grant DavisMr. Preston Elifritz – Weston YoungMr. Justin Roeth – Luke KnoopEach student participating received a pencil, bookmark and candy treat. The first place picture in each homeroom was awarded a special prize of a sheep stuffed animal. Congratulations to the winners!During the event, the committee members shared that baseballs and tennis balls are both made from sheep wool fiber. Sheep have a fantastic memory and can retain identification of people or places for many years. Miami County is home to multiple sheep producers and farmers.Members of the Agricultural Advocacy Committee involved in the project were Ella Demmitt, Ethan Fine, Keira Kirby, and Adi Richter.
Catch up on the latest video tech with these seven innovative Kickstarter campaigns.Top image via Starslider.As any video professional will tell you, filmmaking technology is advancing at an incredible rate. Digital video technology is becoming smaller, faster, and more innovative so quickly that it can be hard to keep up. Fear not: if you want to stay ahead of the curve on the latest gear, get in on these innovative Kickstarter campaigns while the getting’s good.LitleCane — Take Cinematic Videos with Your PhoneThe LitleCane is a smartphone gimbal that offers a full range of smooth motion to your video projects. It has handheld joystick controls for filming on the go, and it offers both front and rear filming. Live streaming is a breeze, as is pretty much any other smartphone video shoot.With available auto-tracking, panorama, and time-lapse modes, this gimbal’s Kickstarter is off to a hot start. Accessories like a charging gimbal option and GoPro adapter will make you want to get in on some of the best investment options now.You can check the full LitleCane Kickstarter page here.Starslider — Smart and Modular Camera GearsThe Starslider is more than your average camera slider. It’s an entire ecosystem of professional video equipment that offers a full array of control, moves, and motorization. It’s sleek and easy, combining pans and tilts with pushes and pulls — giving you full control of time-lapse settings from your smartphone. Just look at this range of motion!The Starslider features three full axes of motion, and you can control it entirely via the intuitive smartphone app. The app allows you to program movements as complex as Bézier curves and bulb ramping. It’s well on its way to reach its $65,000 goal and then some.Check out the full Starslider Kickstarter here for a greater breakdown of its capabilities.MSE Rover — The Professional Smartphone Camera CageIf the majority of film and video Kickstarters in 2017 is any sign, smartphone filmmaking is definitely the way of the future. The MSE Rover is another great example of innovative adaptation of traditional filmmaking equipment.The MSE Rover is a smartphone mounting cage designed to give you complete motion freedom along with unparalleled protection and stability. It’s as tough and sturdy as it is light and steady — plus no batteries!The MSE Rover is also unique in that its adjustable frame gives you 360-degrees of rotation with customizable tension. The parts are interchangeable, and they can connect to tripods, sliders or whatever else you’d like — including the accessories offered by MSE.You can check out the full MSE Rover Kickstarter page here.DirectorsApp — Perfectly Cut Movies in SecondsUnless you speak German, you better check out this Kickstarter in a browser with a translate function. This German-engineered smartphone software gives directors the power to view their shots together through an app that automatically edits everything together. It’s like working with an intuitive storyboard that brings your ideas to life.While the app is free to download and use, backing the Kickstarter early gets you in on the ground floor (and some free video templates to boot).You can check out the full DirectorsApp Kickstarter here.MicRig — Universal Video Grip Handle with Built-in Stereo MicThe MicRig is a Kickstarter for “the world’s first universal video handle with an integrated microphone.” It offers a steady hand-held mount for your DSLR or GoPro and solves poor audio recording problems. It’s perfect for DIY enthusiasts looking to film on the run.The MicRig, made by Sevenoak, is already in production and is available as part of a full line of video production equipment. The Kickstarter is already halfway to its $45,000 goal.You can check out the full MicRig Kickstarter page here.Mine — Modular ControllerWhile technically suited more to an audio-recording professional or musician, the Mine Modular Controller would be great for video editors who do a lot of sound design and mixing. The modular controller offers a highly customizable set-up that you can easily arrange and rearrange. The Mine easily syncs to your Mac or PC.For those familiar with modular MIDI controllers, the customizable setup is incredibly popular. Mine’s modular controller offers hands-on control and flexibility.You can check out the full Mine Kickstarter here.TwoEyes VR — 360 cameraSay hello to Two Eyes VR, the first 360-degree, 4k video camera that mirrors human eyesight. The camera includes two pairs of 180-degree lenses that are 65mm apart to replicate the average distance between a person’s eyes.The design offers full 360-degree VR capture for unparalleled realism on social platforms like Youtube and Facebook.As you can see in the demo, the Two Eyes allows 36o-degree smartphone VR viewing, with both vertical and horizontal splits. The Kickstarter has already out-earned its $40,000 goal with $157,000 in pledges.You can check out the full TwoEyes Kickstarter here.Have any cool Kickstarter campaigns you’re looking to pledge to? Let us know in the comments!
Essential Reading! Get my first book: The Only Sale Guide You’ll Ever Need “The USA Today bestseller by the star sales speaker and author of The Sales Blog that reveals how all salespeople can attain huge sales success through strategies backed by extensive research and experience.” Buy Now Inevitably, some of your deals are going to push. Blame it on the non-linearity of the sales process in practice (as opposed to the theoretical sales process that moves smoothly from target to execution without so much as a pause or a backward step). Place the blame where you like, here is how I know your deal is going to push.It’s Not the Client’s Date: Here it is in the very first spot. Your client did not provide you with a date by which they would like to begin executing your solution. You chose the date, or more accurately, entered some random sequence of numbers into your CRM. If I were to call your client now and tell them you intend to show up with a contract next Tuesday, as per your entry, would they be surprised? Would you be concerned about me making that call? Where there is no commitment to a start date, your deal is going to push.No Commitment to Change: If there is one of the ten commitments in The Lost Art of Closing (my second book), it is the Commitment to Change. You can have a whole bunch of meetings that feel just like the meetings you would have if you were pursuing a deal with-out there being a deal. People will have a meeting with you, explore change, and review your proposal and pricing without ever having made the commitment to change. If you haven’t asked them if they are committed to changing, your deal is going to push (or more likely, it will die).A Pattern of Unkept Commitments: If you want to know if your client intends to keep their commitments, look at their track record. Have they kept all of the commitments that they have made up until this point? Or have they made commitments without keeping them and instead caused you to give chase over voicemail and email? If they haven’t kept commitments up until now, why would they start with the Commitment to Decide?You Don’t Know Who Is Deciding: If you don’t know who is actually making the decision, then your deal is extremely likely to push. If your contact is going to present to their leadership team on your behalf, a leadership team that has never met you, look for the push. If you don’t know who can say yes, it’s a push.You Missed Commitments: There are 10 commitments you need in a sale, especially a B2B sale. You can find them all here, and if you want a deeper dive, you can pick up the book at www.thelostartofclosing.com. For example, if you skipped building consensus or resolving concerns, you left major openings for bad things to happen, the kind of things that end in a deal being pushed.There are so many factors outside of your control that could cause your deal to push, you need to make sure that you do everything that is in your control to ensure that it doesn’t.
As most complex communal controversies do, it started out as a mere trifle. Tucked away in the Byzantine confines of the old, princely city of Indore, there lives a 73-year-old called Shah Bano. Ten years ago when her prosperous lawyer husband divorced her in the traditional Muslim way after 43,As most complex communal controversies do, it started out as a mere trifle. Tucked away in the Byzantine confines of the old, princely city of Indore, there lives a 73-year-old called Shah Bano. Ten years ago when her prosperous lawyer husband divorced her in the traditional Muslim way after 43 years of marriage, she did a most unusual thing: she went to court seeking a small maintenance to feed herself. Today, she is making history. Her search for a small sustenance has led to an unprecedented Islamic resurgence not seen in the country for decades. It has rendered the Muslims a troubled, tormented community, torn by a serious internal schism between the vocal fundamentalists and the subdued but determined liberal minority. More vitally, it threatens to upset the very electoral equation on which the arithmetic of national political fortunes has been based since Independence.Not since the pork and the beef fat smeared cartridges caused the great upheaval of 1857 has a single non-political act caused so much trauma, fear and indignation among a community. Claiming that the Supreme Court judgement granting Shah Bano Rs 500 a month as maintenance from her husband was a sacrilege because it amounted to interference in the Shariat law, ulemas successfully raised the cry of “Islam in danger”. Charged, Muslims came out in lakhs–as many as half-a-million in one instance in Bombay–across the face of the country chanting the slogan of “Shariat bachao”.Pro-sharia rallies in Calicut”For the Muslims today, the imminent danger is to their culture and identity rather than to their lives and property,” said Maulana Abul Lais, Emir of the Jamaat-e-Islami-Hind, summing up the new fear campaign. And if communal Muslim organisations protested in many parts of the country by burning effigies of former Supreme Court chief justice Y.V. Chandrachud, the main author of the controversial judgement, the zealots of Hindu Mahasabha retaliated by handing out the same treatment to the effigies of Maulana Ziaur Rahman Ansari, Union minister of state for environment, who leads the fundamentalist pressure group within the Congress(I).Nothing else, the recurring tragedy of communal riots, nor the trauma of economic deprivation or the travails brought upon Muslim job-seekers on account of discrimination, had ever caused such turbulence before. From the miserly shikara-owner in Srinagar to the prosperous Gulf-returnee in Mallapuram in north Kerala, from the harried Bengali-speaking immigrant peasant in Assam to the insular Memon in Kutch, the controversy has cut into the innermost core of the Muslim religious identity. In the wellsprings of their minority psyche, it strengthens the community’s feeling of persecution at the hands of a majority which, many of them believe, regards them as ungrateful, unpatriotic, disloyal and bigoted.advertisementPatna: nation-wide conflictComing shortly on the heels of the controversy about a case in Calcutta High Court seeking a ban on the Quran (INDIA TODAY, May 31,1985) the controversy found a sullen, insecure mood which was further exacerbated in August last year with the signing of the Assam accord. Widely considered to be a political concession made at the cost of the immigrant Muslims. Even deep in the country side the controversy has aroused extremely angry sentiments. “No Muslim will tolerate this assault. This case will create feelings within our community like those of Punjab and Assam,” warns 35-year-old Nawab Mian, a petty lumber trader in Badayun in western Uttar Pradesh and adds angrily: “The rumour mill has been so busy after this case that people of our community will even believe that the next the Hindu Ram rath procession will occupy Badayun’s Jama Masjid.”Similar suspicions work even on the minds of many Muslim intellectuals. Says Dr Sharifunnisa Ansari, professor and head of the department of Persian studies at Hyderabad’s Osmania University: “I have travelled to more than 10 countries mainly in the Arab world and discovered that no self-respecting woman receives money from the man who divorced her. The Shariat is clear about this and according to some rumours Shah Bano was taken to court by interested Hindus who want a uniform civil code in the country.” Indignant echoes came also from the countryside. “Once we are divorced and the man has met his obligations of mehr, he becomes ghair (a stranger) for us. We have to observe purdah from him and his money is haram,” says Feroze Jahanara Begum, a schoolteacher of Kasganj in Uttar Pradesh. But even angrier assertion comes from her colleague Rehana Khatun who says: “We will resist this decision even if that means we have to become shaheeds (martyrs).”The feeling is summed up by Dr Taher Mehmood, a faculty member of Delhi University and one of the foremost authorities on Muslim history and law in India. He says: “If you look at it from the eyes of the Muslim he is saying: You have already taken away everything else that was so valuable to my faith. Now I will not let you take away the last of my valuable possessions. My personal law.” Rightly or wrongly, the controversy has lacerated old wounds besides causing a new, all-consuming fury of hurt, fear and aggression, a mix any politician in search of a communal constituency would grab with both hands.advertisementAnd there was no stopping this inevitability with fundamentalist ulemas and politicians merrily orchestrating a campaign that played on insecurities, old and new, and put a majority of the 7.5 crore Muslims, who constitute 11.35 per cent of India’s population, firmly on the route to fundamentalism. The campaign was expectedly stronger in Uttar Pradesh and Bihar, which have large concentrations of Muslim population. At Lucknow last week, Maulana Obaidullah Khan the founder of the All-India Muslim Personal Law Conference, threatened to launch an agitation for return to Shariat law. This, he said, would include a satyagraha by 313 of his followers before the Uttar Pradesh Assembly-the figure reminiscent of the hijrat (migration) of the Prophet from Mecca to Medina along with 313 followers. The trend worries some Muslims. “Every small-town maulana has become a leader now with narrow objectives and narrow interest. If the controversy is not resolved quickly these people will take the community behind by two to three decades,” says Shahid Siddiqui. editor of leading Urdu weekly Nai Duniya, underlining the threat of the new spate of fundamentalism.The leaders in the forefront of the campaign are, on the other hand, self-righteous. “Ours is not a communal fight. It only amounts to resisting the inexorable process of assimilation. We want to keep our religious identity at all costs,” says Janata Party Lok Sabha member Syed Shahabuddin, flush with his 70,000-vote victory in the by-election at Kishanganj in north Bihar last month.Exactly a year ago, Rajiv Gandhi’s Congress(I) had won the Kishanganj constituency, which spreads along the Indo Bangladesh border and has a large number of Bengali-speaking Muslim peasants, by a formidable margin of over 1.3 lakh votes. But in their new mood the Muslims had neither the time nor the inclination for the Congress(I) campaigners in spite of the fact that the party’s candidate was the general secretary of the Jamiat-ul-Ulema-e-Hind, a religious organisation. Over 200 ulemas brought in by the party from all over the country were physically thrown out of the constituency and its campaigners hooted all over the backward constituency. Said Dr Abdul Moghani, president of the Urdu development organisation, Anjuman Taraqqi-e-Urdu, Bihar: “It was not a vote for Shahabuddin, it was a vote for Shariat.”Shahabuddin himself is effusive: “This petty little election of mine really amounted to breaking a bund. For the first time our people were now saying, we are there with them on equal terms, electing our own people.” To emphasise his point, he adds: “The last round of election shows that the humpty-dumpty of the Congress(I)’s Muslim vote banks has come crashing down and never again can all the king’s horses and all the king’s men put it back there again.”advertisementAcross the country, from Assam in the east to Baroda in the west, Congressmen were complaining bitterly of the loss of their most valued vote banks. The evidence of what lay behind the debacle came out transparently in election results. For example:- In Assam, the newly constituted United Minorities Front (UMF) grabbed 18 Assembly seats. Practically each one of these constituencies has a Muslim majority. All over the state the UMF campaigners made just two points: the threat to immigrant Muslims from the Assam accord and the threat to the Muslim identity all over the country from the Shah Bano case judgement. – In the Sayajiganj assembly election in Baroda, former police commissioner Jaspal Singh defeated the Congress(I) candidate by 8,365 votes. Gujarat Chief Minister Amarsinh Chaudhry attributes defeat entirely to the loss of the sizeable Muslim vote in the constituency. Singh had incidentally resigned from the police force under a cloud with the Muslims of the city accusing him of pro-Hindu communalism.- In Bijnore, which has an estimated 1.6 lakh Muslim vote, Meera Kumar of the Congress(I) just scraped through but failed to get the Muslim vote. Of the 1,22,000 votes of Lok Dal’s Ram Vilas Paswan, a credible estimate has it that around a lakh came from the Muslims.- In Kendrapara in Orissa Chief Minister J.B. Patnaik claimed that the party’s margin of defeat went up because the constituency’s 10 per cent Muslim vote deserted the party.- Even in Bolpur, West Bengal, where Siddhartha Shankar Ray lost to the CPI(M) by 40,000 votes more than the margin of the Congress(I) defeat in December 1984. PCC(I) chief Priya Ranjan Das Munshi claimed that the party got less than half of the Muslim vote it had bagged in December1 1984. Some of this could be exaggeration, a case of the party’s state leaders squealing, trying to camouflage their own failure in winning the elections. But even at the highest levels in the party now there was intense concern I’ at this electoral atrophy and it found an echo at the centenary celebrations in Bombay where Mufti Mohammed Syed, chief of the party’s Jammu and Kashmir unit, went to the extent of saying: “People are saying we have become a party of the north Indian Hindus.”Similar signals were reaching the prime minister from many other sources. Even before the elections Maulana Asad Madani, president of Jamiat-ul-Ulema-e-Hind and the Congress(I)’s key Muslim campaigner had written a strong letter to the prime minister pointing out how upset the Muslims were with the party.In the elections he campaigned at Kishanganj but invariably described the Congress(I) candidate as the Jamiat nominee. A stream of the Congress(I) Muslim nominees called on him to say how imperative it was for the party to win back its Muslim support and a direct consequence of the pressures was that the Government seemed inclined to appease the fundamentalists. “After Assam and the by-elections, the prime minister is acutely aware of the albatross he carries round his neck in the form of the Muslim Personal Law controversy. The party can hardly afford this kind of erosion,” said a Muslim leader of the Congress(I) shortly after a long meeting with the prime minister. Not surprisingly the controversy has led to serious differences of opinion within-the party with leaders ranging against or behind the judgement. So sharp is the cutting edge of the controversy that it has even caused dissensions within the BJP which has always been identified with the Hindu interest and aspirations. At its Chandigarh session last fortnight the party passed a resolution in favour of the judgement and immediately drew protests from its miniscule section of Muslim representatives. As BJP President Atal Behari Vajpayee admitted: “Muslims from our own party came to me and said why have we passed such a resolution. They want us to support the demand for the amendment to the law so that in future Muslim women cannot approach courts for maintenance. I told them there is no way we can support such an amendment. If they want they can issue a religious edict asking their divorced women not to move courts.” The other political parties were watching the scene in relative quiet, the Janata Party and the Lok Dal in anticipation of the Muslim vote, alienated from the Congress(I) for the moment spilling over to their sides and the Marxists, the only political party to have taken an unambiguous stand in favour of the judgement playing at best from the sidelines. But much more than shaking up the political arithmetic in the country, the controversy has led to an acrimonious debate within the Muslims. The fundamentalists say that in Islam there is no concept of kanyadan or dowry. All that the divorced woman is entitled to get from her husband is her mehr, the dower which is integral part of the Muslim marriage. Thus the moment a woman gets divorced her parents, brothers and sons become responsible for her maintenance.”In Islam marriage is not a sacrament, it is a contract. We have no taking vows round the fire, no business of till-death-do us-part and no kanyadan. The husband’s responsibility ends the moment the contract is terminated by divorce after the payment of mehr,” says Najma Heptullah, deputy chairperson of Rajya Sabha and granddaughter of the late Maulana Abul Kalam Azad. Justifying the Shariat concept that sustenance for a destitute divorced woman should come from her blood relations. she asks: “Tell me which relation is more important, one that is purely contractual or the one of blood’?” The fundamentalist argument is that doubts are raised regarding Muslim Personal Law only because of the “misconception” that it is loaded against women, making divorce as easy for men as uttering the word talaq thrice. Explains Maulana Mohammed Salim Saheb Qasim, Muhtamim (rector) of Darul llloom, the world famous school of Islamic studies at Deoband near Saharanpur in Uttar Pradesh: “For us talaq is the last resort when all other efforts fail. It is a final solution, a breaking of bonds.” Making a similar assertion says Syed Abul Hasan Ali Nadwi, head of the Muslim Personal Law Board at Nadwat-ul-Ulema in Lucknow, adding that in our religion, “zehar dena asan hai. talaq na mushkil hai” (it is easier to poison the wife than to divorce her).The liberals do not question this per se. But they argue that the laws given 14 centuries back must change with the times and that, by itself, should amount to no sacrilege or blasphemy. “When a woman is getting married, divorce is about the last thing on her mind. That leaves mehr a mere formality and further, when a woman is divorced and thrown out by her own husband, it is absurd and ludicrous to expect her to fight a legal battle against her own father for maintenance,” reasons Zoya Hassan, a reader in political science in Jawaharlal Nehru University and one of the active campaigners for reform and codification of the Muslim Personal Law. Hassan and a whole bunch of other progressive, educated Muslim women in Delhi point out that it is an erroneous belief that the majority of Muslims, particularly women. are with the ulemas on the issue of maintenance. It is just that a lot among the vulnerable majority in the villages feel too intimidated speak out. This was also observed by INDIA TODAY correspondents who travelled extensively through large tracts of Muslim-dominated areas of the country. There was plenty of silent support for Shah Bano but only occasional, open expression such as that of Zaira Khatoon, a village housewife from Manikpur in Badayun district. “It is all very well the mullahs to talk,” she said. “But when a poor girl gets divorced, who is going to feed her, especially if her relatives are themselves poor?”The Liberal point of view is that the Prophet was himself extremely progressive on subjects relating to women but since religious scriptures often provide only the basic framework it becomes necessary for the Government to legislate from time to time.”Religion is always taught in parables and thus it becomes necessary to supplement this with social legislation,” says Union Minister of State for Energy Arif Mohammed Khan (see interview), explaining why modernisation of the personal law is no sacrilege when it does not clash with the basic diktats of the Prophet.They also point out that the Muslim Personal Law is based on more than just the Quran. Islamic scholars point out that there are four known sources of personal law, including the Quran. The others are: sunna (practice and explanation from the Prophet), ijma (consensus of the learned) and qiyas (analogies), the last two not being as sacrosanct as the Quran. Moreover even Ghulam Mahamood Banatwala, general secretary of Indian Union Muslim League, has admitted in the Lok Sabha that there are seven distinct schools of Islamic law, Hanafi, Shafei, Malki, Hambali, Ithna Ashari, Ismaili and Zaidi. These do not interpret Muslim Personal Law uniformly. The consequence is that while it may be indiscreet to even talk in terms of changing what the Quran says the other aspects of Muslim Personal Law could evolve with the times within the basic Islamic framework.The liberals also say that the fundamentalists complain too much and in India they even tend to be too sensitive since Muslim thinkers have accepted change to keep pace with the times all over the world. “Mullahs opposing the judgement on Muslim Personal Law are hypocrites.” says Syed Mohammed Najmuddin, a Patna-based business executive and a former soccer star. He points out that in the 19th century the mullahs had accepted without demur the abolition of the Islamic Personal Law to impose a common penal code all over the country. for all communities. “Did that too not amount to interference in the Shariat?” he asks.This inconvenient fact, of the Muslim law having undergone change through the decades. is not denied even by an extreme right-wing fundamentalist organisation like Jamaat-e-lslami, which lives in the heady nostalgia of the Mughal period, when Islamic law was the law of the land, and admits as much. It is true that initially even the British judges sought assistance liberally from the Muslim qazis in writing judgements in the Indian courts. but slowly English laws were ushered in and the Indian Penal Code enacted in 1862. At the same time the Muslims were allowed to be governed by their traditional laws on personal matters such as marriage, divorce, inheritance and gifts. Even so, this was not made part of the statute book, and the ambiguity frequently led to trouble.Muslim scholars often protested against court judgements and this finally led to the enactment of the Muslim Personal (Shariat) Application Act in 1937. The law said that in cases relatine to marriage, mehr, maintainance, divorce, judicial separation, guardianship, gift, succession and waqf, where contending parties were Muslims, the decisions would be based on the Shariat. Two years later the Dissolution of Muslim Marriage Act was passed. according to which a Muslim woman seeking divorce can move court.All along the decades, while this change was made in consultation with the ulemas, one problem stood out. While every new law was based on the Shariat, no effort was made to codify this divine Muslim law. In the absence of a firmly stated Shariat law, it was open to various interpretations depending on the predilections of the various schools of thought, causing enormous confusion. This further underlines the need today for codifying Muslim Personal Law, a demand liberals within the community have often made They find it hard to understand why the fundamentalists react so violently to the very suggestion of a change in the light of this history. “Every law needs to keep pace with the times and this applies even more to something like the Muslim Personal Law which, even to begin with, was rather liberal for its times. The Prophet was extremely conscious of the need for the uplift of women,” says Zoya Hassan. Besides, a large number of Islamic countries have already passed Muslim personal laws with certain changes in the eighth century invocations.Says a report of the National Commission on Women: “Most Muslim countries such as Turkey, Iran, Iraq, Syria, Tunisia, Indonesia and Pakistan have introduced reforms of varying degrees to correct the abuse of polygamy but no legislative measures have been taken so far in India to ameliorate the hardship caused to Muslim women by the institution of polygamy.” Pakistan is an important example. For 14 years after Partition, the Pakistan Government followed the laws passed by the British in the ’30s but significant reformist changes were brought about in 1961. These include:The repealing of the Shariat Applications Act of 1937 to be replaced by Muslim Family Laws Ordinance; and.The replacement of the Dissolution of Marriage Act of 1939 by another progressive ordinance.The new Pakistani laws mark a significant departure from the tradition. For example, there is a virtual bar on polygamy with the legal requirement to register each marriage and the need for permission from an official arbitration council for taking a second wife. Contravention of these provisions is a penal offence. Similarly for divorce, the spouses have to approach the arbitration council. Substantial changes were also brought about on the law of succession, making nonsense of the Indian fundamentalists’ claim that the changes abroad have touched just the procedure and not substance of the Shariat.But all this evidence fails to impress a majority of the Indian Muslim scholars and fundamentalist leadership. To begin with, the change in British times is dismissed as coercion. Says Amir-e-Shariat Minatullah Rehmani, head of Imarat Sharia, one of the most significant Islamic institutions in the country: “The British rulers brought about the change in Islamic Personal Law and enforced it with a position of strength after the 1857 revolt when the Muslim morale was shattered.”Similarly in a series of discussions with Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi, Muslim leaders and thinkers have refused to even take cognizance of the changes brought about in the other Islamic countries. “I do not understand what do you mean by that.” says Ahmed Ali Qasmi, general secretary of All-India Muslim Majlis-e-Mashawrat, a quasi-political religious organisation led by Syed Shahabuddin, adding: “We are Indians. How can we draw parallels with the other Islamic countries? Our reference can only be to the Quran and had is and not to what other dictators have done in their countries.” Says Dr Taher Mehmood, whom the prime minister has been consulting often in the recent past: “Mr Gandhi raised the same issue with me. But I told him we should not look at what has happened to Muslim Personal Law in other Muslim countries. We should examine what has been done in Muslim minority countries such as the Philippines and Thailand or what has happened to the law of the minorities such as Jews and Christians in Islamic countries.”Interestingly, however, barring the extremely fundamentalist groups such as Jamaat-e-Islami. hardly any of the Muslims protesting against the Shah Bano judgement takes a selectively fundamentalist line, demanding the application of the Shariat in its most undiluted. unadulterated form on the personal law while keeping it out of criminal law.”These mullahs hate women and twist the Shariatin such a way that itworks totheir advantage. Why don’t they also want the application of Shariat criminal law so men could die for adultery or get their limbs amputated for thefts?” asked a graduate student at Jamia Millia. Adds Faizan Ahmed. 22, editor of Patna-based Urdu daily Azimabad Express: “The mullahs areonly doing business in the name of the faith by seeking a return to roots on the personal law while sticking to the modern criminal law which also, following their own logic, amounts to violation of the Shariat.” Of all the liberal arguments, this is by far the hardest for the fundamentalists to rebut. And they do it speciously. Says Shahabuddin: “The difference is that Islamic criminal law can only be applied by an Islamic state.” Besides the contentious discussion on what really constitutes Islamic personal law and whether it can be modified or changed to keep pace with the times, the Shah Bano case has also brought the role of the judiciary in sharp focus. Much of the Muslim ire has been directed not so much at the decision as at the manner in which the judgement was drafted. “In two cases in the past Justice Krishna lyer granted maintenance to divorced Muslim women without raising so much noise. Here what upset some people was the unnecessary gratuitous advice contained in the judgement.” says Minorities Commission Chairman and former Supreme Court judge Mirza Hameedullah Beg. “The Supreme Court is no judge of expediency,” he says but adds that there was no sacrilege involved in what the court did. The reaction has been so severe because the “thinking process is always suspended whenever an issue concerning three things-Aligarh Muslim University, Urdu and Muslim Personal Law comes up.”In legal circles there is serious concern at the open, no-holds-barred campaign against the judgement and former chief justice Chandrachud who presided over the bench. Chandrachud himself defends the judgement stoutly denying that he meant any disrespect to Islam. He says: “The court has the right to analyse any personal law, and analysis is not sacrilege.”The fundamentalists’ most populistic casus belli is the court’s exhortation to the Government to enact a uniform personal law all over the country as enshrined in Article 44 of the Constitution. Ever since the hoary days of 1946 when the debates of the constituent Assembly began, this article has been the Muslim leaders’ bete noire. They suspect that it will impinge on the Islamic way of life (see box). “This provision for a uniform civil code is the root cause of all the evil and tirade against the Muslims in our country,” says Maulana AbuI Lais of Jamaat-e-Islami echoing the fundamentalist fears due to the judgement. For the ulemas it is easy to play on this fear in spite of the repeated denials by Congress(I) leaders that the party is planning move towards a uniform civil code in a hurry till the country is ready for it and a consensus exists in its favour among all communities.The Prime Minister has been doing a bit of research himself. Over the past month-and-a-half he has met a series of deputations from both the fundamentalists and the liberals, and seems keen to sue for peace. He told a women’s delegation on November 21 that he felt discouraged by the kind of attitude his party’s Muslims, particularly women, have adopted on the issue.He is reported to have told the women’s delegation that they whispered one thing in his ear but said something else publicly. He also cautioned them not to have western perceptions while talking about equality between the sexes. But he disappointed them too, by saying that he was prepared to bring about a change in the law to clear the air.At one stage the prime minister is reported to have even suggested that under the new, codified draft of Muslim Personal Law. the Government could legally make the divorced woman’s blood relations responsible for her maintenance. And where that was not possible, the responsibility could be passed on to Muslim society at large through the waqf boards or even on organisations funded by the Government. This drew firm protests from Union Minister of State for Youth Affairs Sports and Women. Margaret Alva, who was present at the meeting and promptly asked what. In that case, would the Government do for divorcee women of the other faiths?The prime minister’s defensive approach however, was an indirect admission of the fact that he has been under pressure from his own partymen to make a concession before it was too late and ulemas were able to swing the Muslim electorate away decisively from the Congress(I). The Muslim clergy has been threatening that if its demands are not conceded, it will influence Muslim voters to do a repeat of 1977 when they voted en bloc against the Congress. For the ruling party that is a worrisome scenario. While it is true that in Lok Sabha the Muslim vote can by itself win no more than 50 seats, it is also true that it can tilt the scales decisively in about a hundred more. Besides, in most of the five states, including Jammu and Kashmir, Bihar, Uttar Pradesh, West Bengal and Assam, no national party canexpect to grab power without a reasonable chunk of the Muslim vote.Congress(I) leaders are wary of this possibility even though at the moment no other political party seems to be in a position to take advantage. There is a distinct possibility that a new Muslim party on the lines of the UMF in Assam may come up at the national level. Another likely contender for the Muslim vote will be a possible Lok Dal-Janata alliance in the post-Charan Singh era. It was due to this realisation last month that Union Law Minister Asoke Sen met many Muslim clergy men and jurists at the house of Najma Heptullah to work out a truce. The clergymen have already submitted their proposals on the kind of amendment they want made to the existing law (see box).At the same time the liberals ore also in the process of submitting their list of proposals and a progressive Muslim organisation in Delhi is collecting signatures from leading Muslim intellectuals on a memorandum seeking a modern interpretation and codification of the Muslim Personal Law. For the liberals. particularly women, the stakes are high. The prime minister has already suggested a debate on the codification of Muslim Personal Law just as the Hindu personal law was put on the statute book as Hindu Code Bill in the ’50s. As in the case of the Hindu Code Bill, the debate on the codification of Muslim Personal Law is bound to be acrimonious with the midway point too far for both fundamentalists and liberals.Codification, in any case, will be a long-drawn process. But on the current controversy it seems likely that the Government will capitulate, going two steps backwards by amending Section 125 of the CRPC and making it virtually impossible for divorced Muslim women to seek succour from the courts. But making concessions under political coercion is not such a good policy. lt will increase the clamour for abrogation of Article44 of the Constitution which lies at the root of the Muslim fundamentalist fear of the very suggestion of a uniform personal law.Even so, the controversy is serving a useful purpose, of generating debate, within the community on the need for change and reform. But the process will be slow and bumpy, particularly in the case of a dogmatic faith where the Prophet’s word is considered an absolute instruction. As Dr Kausar Azam, reader in political science at Osmania University, says: “The absence of a Mahatma Gandhi or a Raja Ram Mohan Roy among the Muslims has slowed social reform in the community and those interested and working on social reform like Hamid Dalwai died young.The solution will have to be found by the Muslims themselves.” As of now, that solution seems hard to find. But if the current debate leads even a few steps closer to that it would be thanks to the toil and tenacity of that 73-year-old divorcee from Indore.-Shekhar Gupta wlth Farzand Ahmed and Inderjit Badhwar
Exactly nine years ago, Abhinav Bindra created history by becoming the first Indian to win an individual Olympic Gold medal at the Bejing Games.After Independence in 1947, India had won five gold medals – all at Hockey. There were flashes of individual brilliance as India grew more aspritational.Leander Paes’ bronze at the 1996 Atlanta Games was a moment to cherish. Karnam Malleswari clinched another bronze four years later in Sydney.In 2004 at Athens, Rajyavardhan Singh Rathore finally won silver in the men’s double trap event.The red-letter day, all of India had waited for years, came in China in 2008. Bindra took gold for India in the men’s 10m air rifle shooting competition. He stayed calm under pressure and shot a near perfect 10.8 to seal a memorable triumph.India won two more medals (Vijender Singh, boxing) and (Sushil Kumar, wrestling) in Bejing.But Bindra’s gold inspired a new legion of sports stars. India enjoyed their best Olympic campaign in London in 2012, winning as many as six medals. The 2016 Rio Olympics saw some disappointing results but PV Sindhu and Sakshi Malik saved the day for India, winning a silver and bronze respectively.It’s fair to say Bindra’s gold medal back in 2008 had paved the way for success in other sports. It marked the start of a revolution in Indian sports – it is no coincidence that 10 of the country’s 28 medals came since Bindra’s remarkable feat.It took 100 years to win the first 18 and eight years to win the next 10.India, today, is no more obsessed only with cricket. Badminton, hockey, boxing and wrestling garner plenty of attention. These sports may not be on the same footing as cricket yet but India’s march towards domination in other sports is well and truly underway.advertisement
Fulham striker Mitrovic named Serbia’s Player of the Yearby Chris Beattie10 months agoSend to a friendShare the loveFulham striker Aleksandar Mitrovic has been named Serbia’s Player of the Year.He played a major role in Fulham’s promotion to the Premier League by scoring 12 times in the Championship following a January move from Newcastle.”It’s nice when you are appreciated in the country where you play, but there’s nothing more beautiful than when you are at home, with your people,” Mitrovic told the Serbian FA’s website.Manchester United midfielder Nemanja Matic, ex-Chelsea defender Branislav Ivanovic and former Manchester City left-back Aleksandar Kolarov are among the previous recipients of the award. About the authorChris BeattieShare the loveHave your say
Ashley BrandsonAPTN NewsA report by Manitoba’s advocate for children and youth says that Indigenous youth are overrepresented in the province’s justice system calling it a “persistent legacy of colonization and residential schools.”The report, which was released Thursday, focuses on the use of solitary confinement and pepper spray in youth custody facilities in Manitoba, also sheds light on criminal justice issues facing Indigenous youth.“What we discovered through the course of the two year investigation was extremely concerning, unacceptable and must immediately change,” said Daphne Penrose, Manitoba’s youth advocate.Read the report: Manitoba Advocate for Children and YouthAccording to the report, Indigenous youth in Manitoba are, “16 times more likely to be incarcerated than non-Indigenous youth. This over-representation signals the persistent legacy that colonization and residential schools have had on Indigenous Peoples.”Penrose’s report says that while nationally, Indigenous males make up 47 per cent of the jail population, and Indigenous females make up 60 per cent, in Manitoba the numbers are “significantly greater at 81 per cent and 82 per cent, respectively.”The main findings in the report centred around the use of solitary confinement and pepper spray inside the institutions.The report looked at 1,400 cases of solitary confinement, and 98 incidents where pepper spray was used.According to Penrose, central to this report are the stories of several youth – four out of the six youth are male, five of the six youth are Indigenous and all were under the care of child and family services. Four of the five youth became involved with community disability services during their time in custody or after their release.She said all the youth have “significant vulnerabilities and experienced trauma during childhood. Five out of six were diagnosed with FASD or alcohol-related neurodevelopmental disorder (ARND), and all live with significant mental health issues.”But the report states that Manitoba’s justice department was not able to track the length of stay in solitary confinement for individual youth, how frequently they used it, the reasons for use, or “any trends associated with its use.”“There is a disproportionate number of Indigenous youth and young people living with mental illnesses and cognitive vulnerabilities in the criminal justice system. However, we do not have enough information to determine how often these populations were placed in solitary confinement or subjected to pepper spray in Manitoba youth custody facilities,” said the report.“The Manitoba Advocate of Children and Youth is concerned that this lack of comprehensive and systematic data collection and analysis decreases the ability to ensure accountability and transparency of practices in youth custody facilities.”The report also found that 92 per cent have endured trauma such as physical or sexual abuse prior to custody, 80 per cent have been sexually exploited by adults before entering custody, between 11 per cent and 22 per cent have FASD, and nearly half of youth have borderline to lower intellectual functioning, with 14 per cent having extremely low functioning (IQ below 70).“Due to complex social, historical, neurobiological, and structural factors, youth who are Indigenous, experienced trauma, and live with mental illness or cognitive vulnerabilities are more likely to enter the justice system,” the report said.Penrose is making six recommendations including ending solitary confinement over 24 hours, using pepper spray only in life-threatening situations, and offering more mental health supports for youth in custody.Manitoba Justice Minister Cliff Cullen said the report is still being reviewed.“Youth and segregation are there because they’re behaviour possess a risk to themselves, to other inmates or staff,” said Cullen.Penrose said the justice department has not responded to her firstname.lastname@example.org@ashleybrandson
It always comes back to the use of performance-enhancing drugs. The “steroid era” may be over, but Major League Baseball is still dealing with its consequences. At the National Baseball Hall of Fame induction ceremony over the weekend, Craig Biggio was the only batter among the four new inductees. Although some of the greatest hitting records in the history of the sport occurred in the past 20 years, many position players can’t catch a break with Hall voters.So we ran a SurveyMonkey Audience poll asking Americans how they feel about steroids, amphetamines and the pre-integration era and then gathered FiveThirtyEight’s baseball fans to talk about the results (the following transcript has been lightly edited for length and clarity):Walt Hickey: It’s pretty clear the vast majority of people — even baseball fans — are not comfortable with just letting the records stand. Of everyone surveyed, 88 percent thought the records should be struck down entirely or have an indicator that there was some funny business going on.Neil Paine: I’m not surprised the majority of those polled want something — anything — to be done about the numbers compiled during the steroid era. Baseball is the most statistical of all the major sports, and it has always loved to foster the notion that you could compare, say, Honus Wagner’s stats to those of Alex Rodriguez side by side, without any adjustment, and still make a meaningful comparison. Sabermetricians have long acknowledged this as naive; between park effects and era adjustments, there are plenty of ways baseball stats need to be tweaked to level the playing field between different generations of players. But even for the lay fan, the age of PEDs [performance-enhancing drugs] destroyed any pretense that unadjusted numbers could be freely compared between eras, and I think that fact alone upset traditionalists as much as anything else.Harry Enten: I must admit that steroids to me is a highly emotional issue. Many of the players we associate with steroids are people we also associate with being jerks — people like Barry Bonds, Roger Clemens and A-Rod. But the real question is: Where does it end? Is it that stats are changed? Are champions changed? There can be no doubt that many, if not all, of the champions for a period in the 1990s and 2000s had steroid users. We’re not going to go back and change winners. In a lot of this polling, people are making an emotional argument.Walt: I, on the other hand, could not care less about steroid use. I feel like this notion of the game as some platonic ideal that existed prior to the big bad performance enhancers showed up is patently false. Every era had its own competitive advantages, as we’ll talk about in a second, but it’s only the steroid issue — and not, you know, the players who had the competitive advantages of rampant stimulant use and not having to compete with black players — that seems to make people think The Game is not somehow Pure.Rob Arthur: I’m under no illusions the game of baseball is Pure (nor will it ever be), but I also don’t know if it was ever dirtier than it was during the steroid era. Cheating is and has always been rampant, both on and off the field, but with steroids, we have a means of cheating that seems particularly effective. You can see that both in the scientific literature, where steroids seem to improve strength by as much as 20 percent, but also on the baseball field, where we had some notable steroid users like Bonds smashing records left and right.Harry: But what about during the “deadball era” — specifically between 1912 (I think) and 1920, when you had the spitball among other things? Offensive numbers took a dive. There is clear physical evidence that a spitball (or scuffing the ball) is a big deal. Now using that wasn’t illegal when it first started, but neither were steroids. They are now, yet people look at them so much differently than the pitching statistics that were occurring in the 1910s.Rob: Harry, you definitely have a point. But I think one of the reasons steroids are so objectionable is because of the asymmetry they created between players: Some players who used them seemed to become almost inhumanly effective, others didn’t use them at all and gained no benefit, and still others used but didn’t improve substantially. When the spitball was legal, it was available to all pitchers, and I doubt that any pitcher’s spit was 50 percent more effective at decreasing offense than any other pitcher’s spit. (I am aware that once the spitball was banned, some players were grandfathered in and still allowed to use it. Obviously, that wouldn’t fly in the modern era.)Neil: And don’t even get me started debating whether Lasik surgery counts as “unnatural” and “performance-enhancing.”Walt: Yeah, Tommy John called — he wants his pitching speed back. We will get back to the 1920s era of baseball soon enough, Enten. For now: My favorite part of this was comparing how different fan bases cared about steroids based on how much their teams gained from steroid use.Editor’s Note: On Friday, we introduced the idea of a steroid “discount” — a penalty in percentage terms that would be deducted from players’ individual statistics if they were found to be using PEDs. Our poll asked respondents to recommend said discount, which we can also break down by team fandom.The following table is color-coded by how much (red) or how little (white) each team’s fans would penalize steroid-using players.1Specifically, players who were suspended for PED offenses, were linked to the Biogenesis scandal, were named in the Mitchell Report or whose failed drug tests were leaked to the media. Because some teams had far more fans respond than others — and some teams’ fans hardly voted at all — the columns have been color-coded to represent a combination of average response and the number of respondents. In other words, results have been regressed to the mean based on sample size. Likewise, the correlations at the bottom of the table were weighted by the number of respondents from each fan base.Walt: Hot damn, Giants.Neil: It’s interesting that, as fandom intensifies, a relationship does begin to materialize between how much the voter’s favorite team relied on steroid users and how much tolerance he or she has for steroid users’ stats.If we look at all of our survey’s respondents — including those who were and were not self-professed baseball fans — there’s essentially no relationship between team steroid reliance and how much steroid-tainted stats the voter would recommend taking away. But when you throw out non-fans, a small2Correlation: -0.2 relationship emerges. Fan bases whose stars used steroids to generate more wins, whether on a per-season basis or as a percentage of the team’s total, tended to want steroid users to be punished less.Then again, it’s a slight relationship at best. While San Francisco Giants fans — hello Barry Bonds! — wanted juicers dinged much less than the average fan base, fans of the Oakland Athletics and Chicago Cubs (who rank fourth and fifth in the degree to which they were helped by steroid-using batters) asked for some of the highest penalties of any group of rooters.But that’s not the only way to measure the cognitive dissonance between a fan’s acceptance of steroids and the degree to which his or her team benefited from them.Walt: I whipped this up really quickly: It’s the scatterplot of teams, with that “how much did they gain from PEDs” metric plotted against the percentage of their fan base that said they thought the records of steroid users should be struck. What an interesting relationship:Walt: It’s a small sample size, but I really love that fans of teams that didn’t gain a lot from PEDs seem more likely to desire retribution against players who did.Rob: The relationship between steroid contribution and desire for retribution is really fascinating and upholds a long-held suspicion of mine. It also suggests (again) that these attitudes are largely driven by emotions: If my team benefited, then steroids were OK, but if not, steroids were terrible! It shows that fans, in particular, have a hard time divorcing their own fandom from the questions about how much steroids benefited particular players and how much we should care as a result.Walt: So then the question becomes where do we draw the line when it comes to performance-enhancing things in each era? I personally think it’s bullshit that people get so riled up about steroids and not, for instance, the widespread amphetamine use in MLB in the era prior to it.It turns out America agrees!Walt: So, Neil, who would this affect?Neil: Like you said, it’s pretty widely acknowledged that amphetamine use was prevalent in MLB throughout much of the 1960s, 1970s and 1980s. During a 1985 drug trial, former Mets and Pirates first baseman John Milner testified that he had received “greenies” (amphetamines) from Hall of Famers Willie Mays and Willie Stargell at various times during his career, and Hall of Fame third baseman Mike Schmidt said the substance was “widely available in major-league clubhouses” when he played.So it’s at least possible — if not probable — that some of that era’s greatest superstars used a now-banned substance to sharpen their focus and boost their energy levels. (Even if the evidence is mixed over whether greenies actually even help athletic performance.)Walt: I feel like higher focus and higher energy is probably a nice thing for batters to have. I imagine their record collections were remarkably well-organized as well.I’m pretty happy to see some consistency here. I compared how people answered the steroid question with how they answered the stimulant question, and 88 percent of respondents (and 86 percent of fans) stuck to their guns and replied with the same answer they gave for steroid policy. It seems like at least among the general population there’s a lot more consistency with how to handle the policy than there is in the league.Still, it’s surprising that at the end of the day, 44 percent of Americans would strip away statistical accomplishments from amphetamine users in the era of Willie Mays, Hank Aaron and Mickey Mantle.Neil: Agreed. The general attitude among sportswriters — even if it doesn’t necessarily make sense — is that there’s a distinction to be drawn between the supposedly widespread amphetamine use of the 1970s and the supposedly widespread steroid use of the 1990s. But according to those surveyed, there shouldn’t be. The moral judgment of the people appears to fall on both groups with equal fury.Harry: I really do wonder whether most people know that Mays may have used greenies. I tend to think not. If they did, there is no way that the polling numbers would look the way they do. I also tend to think that there is nothing ridiculous that Mays did in the sense that he looked normal, unlike Bonds who looked like someone shoved some orthopedic pillows in his arms. Not to mention that his head grew bigger than Donald Trump’s ego. It seemed natural. We tend to think of unnatural in how someone looks, not how they think.Neil: Right, and the bulked-up players and shifting head sizes gave fans and analysts a smoking gun of sorts. It added to the theatrical nature of the steroid hysteria. With a pill that doesn’t change appearance, you’re reduced to poring over stats and wondering whether a player’s out-of-the-blue power spike is just a career year or something much more sinister.Walt: But enough with the pharmaceutical advantages. What about the bigoted regime that kept black players out of the leagues? What about the competitive advantage conferred by excluding athletes based on the color of their skin?Walt: Kind of odd that baseball fans are nowhere near as mortified with pre-integration records standing than they are with stimulants. Neil, what’s the word on the effect that segregation had on baseball?Neil: One of the biggest tragedies of baseball’s color line is that we can’t know precisely how much the game’s pre-1947 stars benefited from only playing against white opponents. But we can certainly estimate how much more shallow the pool of available players was before the game was integrated. (As well as before the rise of Latin America and, now, Asia as a source of baseball talent.)As FiveThirtyEight editor-in-chief Nate Silver notes in “Baseball Between the Numbers,” MLB was only drawing from a population of about 300,000 people per player in 1930. By 1960, when baseball was finally fully integrated, that number had more than doubled to 625,000, and it was a whopping 900,000 when Nate crunched the numbers in 2005. The bigger the talent pool, the tougher the competition, so it’s clear that pre-integration players had a major advantage in terms of the relative caliber of talent they played against.(A related note: Baseball’s level of talent is steadily increasing anyway as humans push the boundaries of athletic performance, which is another great reason statistics from the past can’t be compared to modern numbers straight-up.)Harry: My opinion on this is fairly simple: You can’t penalize players for things they didn’t control. Babe Ruth couldn’t play against a black player in the MLB even if he wanted to. It’s a tragedy that we were robbed of seeing Josh Gibson against Carl Hubbell, but we can’t go back and readjust the records.Walt: I don’t think it’s so much about penalizing players for things beyond their control as it’s about knocking down the idea that baseball was somehow defiled by pharmaceuticals. This nostalgia for baseball is wholly misguided — the Boston Red Sox integrated after Southern public schools! In 1959! — it’s not like this was an antiquated part of baseball history.Baseball’s commitment to some idyllic game that never existed — something that also manifests itself in a knee-jerk opposition to potential ways to improve the game, like the DH, speedier play and other experimentation — by now constitutes what I think is (on a long enough timespan) an existential threat for the league. The fact that more people aren’t more willing to look back in anger is a symptom of a much larger problem.Not to mention that at least the other two advantages at least made the game more interesting to watch. Segregation, if anything, made the game less interesting for fans out of mere spite. My main line? If you’re going to get indignant about steroids — something that unambiguously made the game more interesting — at least have the decency to be just as indignant about letting those segregated records stand un-asteriskedBut guys! We’re missing the point here. About 10 percent of Americans would strip Babe Ruth of his records! Including 8 percent of baseball fans. That’s awesome.Harry: What percentage of people believe we didn’t land on the moon?Walt: I mean Kubrick basically admitted as much in “The Shining,” man — learn how to read subtext.
The Liverpool manager is being tipped to win the Premier League this season, but right now the current team in first place is Manchester CityBefore the start of the 2018-2019 English Premier League season, Liverpool was tipped as the future champion of the competition.But right now Manchester City is currently at the top and the Reds are behind.And for manager Jurgen Klopp, there’s no rush or pressure.“I don’t feel pressure. That’s how it is,” Klopp told Four Four Two.Daniel Farke, From mid-table in the Championship to the Premier League Manuel R. Medina – September 14, 2019 Norwich City manager, Daniel Farke, has taken his team from the middle of the table in the English Championship to play with the big boys in the Premier League.“I made a decision long ago for myself: I give everything I have. I don’t hold anything back. At this moment, I can’t do better. I am really like I am.”“I expect a lot from myself but there is no pressure. We want to win each game and if we don’t win it then we want to win the next one,” he added.“Any other decisions – how people look at me and what people think about me – I have nothing to do with that because I have no influence on it.”“As long as we win football games, everybody thinks – even if they don’t like me – ‘He’s a good manager’,” he commented.“And when we lose football games, the people who don’t like me and the people who like me say, ‘Maybe he’s not the right manager anymore’. That’s how it is. If you know that before, how can it put pressure on your shoulders? I really don’t understand that.”
AC Milan defender Ignazio Abate believes they should have qualified for the Europa League knockout stages after their 3-1 defeat to OlympiacosGennaro Gattuso’s side headed into Athens on Thursday night needing to not lose by more than two goals to Olympiacos.After a goalless first-half, Pape Abou Cisse’s header handed Olympiacos the lead before a Cristian Zapata own goal doubled their advantage.But the Colombian defender soon redeemed himself to Milan by scoring a critical header just 110 seconds later.However, Abate’s foul enabled Konstantinos Fortounis to score a late penalty for Olympiacos to secure a 3-1 win.Gasperini reveals why he rejected Inter Manuel R. Medina – September 14, 2019 Atalanta manager, Gian Piero Gasperini, has revealed why he rejected Internazionale Milan’s job proposal over the summer transfer window.The result enabled the Greek side to leapfrog Milan into second-place in Group F on goal difference.“We had started strong and were well set out on the field. The regret is that we went behind, as we should not have conceded the opening goal,” Abate told Sky Sport Italia, via Football-Italia.“Once we got it back on track, they got that penalty. Incidents went against us. We could’ve done better and more importantly reached this final game with qualification already secured, because we had the quality to do that.“We need to take another step up. Now we must concentrate on Serie A, as we can finish in the top four and qualify for the Champions League.”Milan will next travel to Bologna on Tuesday in a Serie A match, where they will hope to retain their spot in the top-four in the standings.